EoK Test/Bird-Bishop, Isabella Lucy (1831-1904)

Bird-Bishop, Isabella Lucy (1831-1904)

Isabella Lucy Bird-Bishop was a world traveller of the late nineteenth c. Born in England to a wealthy family she began travelling with her parents at an early age. Her independent adventures began with a trip to the Hawaiian Islands in the late 1860s, and it was in Hawaii that she discovered both her passion for exploring foreign cultures and for horsemanship. As a result of her time in Hawaii, she wrote The Hawaiian Archipelago (1886), which established her reputation as both a world traveller and as a writer. On the return journey from Hawaii in 1872, Bird-Bishop stopped in Colorado and became so enamoured with the Rocky Mountains that she stayed there for a period and operated a cattle ranch. In 1881, she married Dr. J.F. Bishop, an eminent Edinburgh physician, but he died a short three years thereafter. After this, she resumed her travels and journeyed to central Asia, China, Japan and Korea, as well as other countries. During this time, she met with the monarchs of many countries, and her writings served to introduce these lands and peoples to many Western readers. Some of her notable accounts include The Golden Chersonese; The Malayan Travels of a Victorian Lady (1883); Korea and Her Neighbours (1898) andThe Yangtze Valley and Beyond (1899).

Bird-Bishop visited Korea a total of four times between January 1894 and March 1897, with the intention of studying the ‘Mongolian races’. She pens her first thoughts on Korea as, ‘My first journey produced the impression that Korea is the most uninteresting country I ever travelled in, but during and since the war, its political perturbations, rapid changes, and possible destinies, have given me interest in it; while Korean character and industry, as I saw both under Russian rule in Siberia, have enlightened me as to the better possibilities which may await the nation in its future.’ Her two-volume account of Korea provides the author’s insight to many aspects of the situation that prevailed in Chosŏn in the late nineteenth c. Also notable are the personal contacts she had with King Kojong (r. 1863-1907); the Hŭngsŏn Taewŏn’gun (1820-1898); and Queen Min (1851-1895). Thus, she provides her readers with first-hand knowledge of these major figures in the declining years of Chosŏn. Bird-Bishop was not a scholar nor fluent in the language of any of the Asian countries she travelled in, being dependent on interpreters and accounts given to her by others. Her works, therefore, contain many inaccuracies and misleading statements. But they do provide valuable, albeit small, glimpses of Korea and the other Asian countries she visited.

Broadcasting

History of Korean broadcasting

Radio

Broadcasting under Japanese occupation forces (1910-1945)

Korea's first taste of the new technology of radio came relatively early for such a poor and under-developed country. In 1915, engineers at the Ministry of Communications conducted an experiment in which the Japanese anthem was transmitted via wireless telephone over a distance of 800 metres. In 1924, a radio laboratory was established on an experimental basis. Programs were initially broadcast in Japanese, but with burgeoning public interest, Koreans were invited to participate in limited broadcasts. On 30 November 1926, Kyŏngsŏng Broadcasting Station transmitted its first radio program. The main source of revenue was from listening fees, fixed at two wŏn a month. Rigorous censorship by the Ministry of Information meant that broadcasts in Korean were restricted to entertainment programs, even though programming was increased to sixteen hours a day. The Sino-Japanese War in 1937 and the Pacific War in 1941, suppressed Korean programs to a point where they became a propaganda tool for Japan's expansionist ambitions. Radio soon had as its main purpose the purveyance of bulletins prepared by the Japanese Government-General and Korean broadcasting became little more than an appellation.

Broadcasting under U.S. Military Government (1945-1948)

Following Korea's liberation on 15 August 1945, the Kyŏngsŏng Broadcasting Station was placed under the supervision of the United States Military Government in Korea. One reason for this was to fend off the political left's pressure for control of broadcasting . Broadcasting had to change to integrate with the transformation of Korea into a modern society. Initially, Kyŏngsŏng concentrated on programs aimed at restoring and developing a national culture, hitherto shrouded under Japanese rule. It then focused on the novel idea of democracy and on furthering public welfare through educational programs. Concomitant with relative freedom of news coverage came restrictions on its distribution. The military government dealt harshly with critics of military policy and coerced the closing down of local newspapers as a censorship measure. Nationwide censorship resulted when an article in Haebang Ilbo blatantly criticized the military rule; set aside only when new ordinances circumscribed press activities and a special committee convened to arbitrate conflicts of interest. Significantly, American broadcasting practices predominated in the ensuing reorganization of the KBS and new program formats. In January 1946, Voice of America first broadcast under the name, San Francisco Broadcast . Under strong U.S. influence, the domestic radio station, nominally public, was actually commercial in content and programming.

Broadcasting under the New Government (1948-1953)

Although the military government initially returned the radio station to the Chosŏn Broadcasting Committee (later, Taehan Broadcasting Committee) in June 1948, a reshuffling of government jurisdictions placed Kyŏngsŏng under Ministry of Information control. The station was quickly nationalized, its employees becoming public servants, signifying the beginning of the state-run Korean Broadcasting Station (KBS). Program reorganization brought diversity in news reporting, with programs such as 'Local News' and 'News Parade'. During the Korean War, KBS came under control of the Ministry of Defence and its broadcasting functions were drastically reduced, partly because of financial stringencies. The American Forces Korea Network (AFKN) was established at this time to serve the needs of its military force. KBS gradually materialized into a public broadcasting station and with its headquarters in Pusan, the temporary war capital, established branch stations in major locales. Strict censorship of newscasts made it increasingly difficult to remain unbiased and pro-government reporting predominated.

Rise of private, commercial broadcasting (1954-1960)

Following the armistice (27 July 1953) all government institutions were located in Seoul. After restoration of damaged plant and some expansion of broadcasting equipment, there was (from 1957) a striking improvement in the general quality of radio programming. Airtime was doubled and the introduction of a transcription reporting system added vitality to radio programs. In addition, telegraph soon permitted the direct reception of foreign news. Thus, despite the emergence of television, the 1950s were still predominantly radio-oriented. Pusan MBC (Munwha Broadcasting Company), the first commercial radio network in Korea, and the Christian Broadcasting System, were established, relying on advertising to finance operations. Their reporting activities enlightened the public on the merits of co-existence, for competition warranted greater reporting accuracy. Relay broadcasting of international sporting events, production of educational and informational programs of quality focusing on a developing civic consciousness, and the introduction of serial dramas characterized the major improvements of the decade. The other side of the coin, however, was that the news reporting aspect of broadcasting was severely restricted by political instability and consecutive dictatorships of Syngman Rhee and Park Chung Hee . The two regimes decreed press policies aimed at circumscribing the activities of KBS, whereby fairness and objectivity always played a secondary role to the propagation of government policy.

Commercial broadcasting and the television era (1961-1979)

The 16 May 1961 coup d'état made effective use of broadcasting facilities, especially those of state-run KBS, which was restructured to allow for two extra channels, one for international transmissions and another for AM/FM broadcasting. Park Chung-Hee's administration legislated to permit private ownership of radio and TV stations. The industry underwent significant changes during this period as commercial broadcasting became more conventional, radio and television dualled through intense competition, and communication satellites diffused the innovative idea of relay broadcasting. Commercial broadcasting, being intrinsically profit-oriented, held a propensity for entertainment programming and cheap imitations of foreign shows. Serial dramas were the most popular. As television's appeal grew, radio's appeal declined. In time, commercial broadcasters challenged official opinion in the public forum. The 1970s brought about social changes which had a direct effect on the industry, significantly Yushin Hŏnpŏp (revitalizing) reform designed to combat domestic and international instability.Yushin imposed severe censorship on the commercial-orientation of television. The inauguration of the Korean Broadcasting Corporation and MBC-TV's incorporation of all affiliated broadcasting stations under the Munwha Broadcasting network, were major events. MBC also assimilated the Kyunghyang Daily , thereby combining its broadcasting and newspaper functions. WhenYushin ended, broadcasting had deteriorated into stereotyped programs of low appeal and law amendments (1973) strictly regulated all material deemed damaging to public morals.

Era of public broadcasting (1980-1990)

Structural change saw a complete shift from commercial to public broadcasting in 1980, leaving in its wake only the two stations KBS and MBC. TBC TV and Radio were integrated into the KBS, as KBS 2 and KBS Radio 3. Dong-A Broadcasting Station (DBS) became KBS 4 (Radio Seoul). In addition, MBC gradually acquired a controlling share interest of twenty-one local stations. The Education Broadcasting System (EBS) which managed to gain independence from KBS 3, came under the bailiwick of the Ministry of Education (and still uses transmitting facilities provided for by KBS.)

Radio - popularity and decline

The first relay station went into operation in Pusan in September 1934, followed by an expansion of district networks as regional stations emerged.The Korean Broadcasting System was reorganized to consolidate control over these stations and with the birth of the Republic the existing network came under direct government control. KBS introduced Voice of Free Korea radio to its network on 1 December 1955, to contribute to information and cultural exchange within the international community and to convey the message of reunification to North Korea. Short-wave broadcasting across Asia was in Korean, English, French, Chinese, Japanese and Russian. Foreigners in Korea could listen to a daily English broadcast on medium-wave. The 1960s was a period during which the various radio stations, RSB, (Radio Seoul, later to be known as TBC), KBS, CBS, MBC and DBS, could compete with each other free from the magnet of television. MBC soon expanded into a nationwide network, while DBS, affiliated with Tonga Ilbo , had to endure lack of support and facilities and limit its goals to the Seoul audience. RSB experienced steady growth and rising popularity. Commercial radio and its ratings competition saw the survival of stations tied to advertising revenue. A significant development was the establishment of Munhwa Broadcasting Corporation in Pusan in 1959, which also attracted a wide audience in Seoul. As a private corporation totally dependent on local advertising, MBC pioneered a solid-base advertising industry for Korean products. Its entertainment-oriented programs acquired the highest ratings. Radio's displacement by television can be seen when the number of TV receivers reached half a million in 1973, only ten years after TV was introduced, while the number of radios remained less than one million some fifty years after its introduction. Radio then had to find program genres which accentuated its traits as a medium, such as convenience and flexibility, while conceding entertainment functions to TV. It turned to spot news, popular music and information segments. In the 1980s, KBS Radio modernized and expanded, concentrating on wide-scope informational programs. Local radio networks also implanted a new image of themselves as instruments of regional development by disseminating local topics to the rest of Korea. This helped to reduce rural alienation, as well as acquainting city dwellers with traditional lifestyles and values. Today, KBS, MBC and SBS attempt to achieve a certain level of specialization and differentiation.

Broadcasting stations - Radio and Television

National and regional stations

• American Forces Network (AFKN)
• Buddhist Broadcasting System (BBS)
• Christian Broadcasting System (CBS)
• Educational Broadcasting System (EBS)
• Far East Broadcasting Station
• Korean Broadcasting Station (KBS)
• Munwha Broadcasting Corporation (MBC)
• Pyungwha Broadcasting Corporation (PBC)
• Seoul Broadcasting Station (SBS)
• TBC
• Traffic Broadcasting System (TBS)
• See text below

American Forces Korea Network (AFKN)

AFKN began operations in 1950 as a mobile radio station, and broadcast its first TV program in 1957. It has expanded to cover the ROK through a sophisticated cable and microwave system, with twenty-two transmitters. Primarily for American service personnel and their families, AFKN is also popular with young Koreans. To students wanting to improve their language skills, AFKN-TV offers idiomatic, colloquial English and provides uncensored domestic news, reports from ABC, CBS, NBC and CNN. But critics have denounced AFKN's programming, claiming that the youth of Korea is being inundated with material of a sexual and violent nature. AFKN broadcasts twenty hours a day during the week, twenty-four at weekends. It is advertisement free, but includes community-type announcements.

Christian Broadcasting System (CBS)

The Christian Broadcasting Station (CBS) commenced in 1954 to introduce Christianity to Koreans. However, except for a few religious programs, it did not differ widely from the commercial stations. In 1962, CBS obtained a commercial broadcasting licence, which allowed it to rely, in part, on advertising revenue. It was well-received and a desire to extend its coverage soon became apparent. To achieve this goal it gained the support of the U.S. Audiovisual Committee (one of its biggest financial supporters) to establish local, affiliated stations throughout Korea. Guidelines regulating CBS news coverage served to emphasize the significance of unbiased reporting. This came through strongly during the 1960 student uprising, when CBS, unlike KBS, fulfilled its public responsibilities through prompt, objective reporting. It also kept Koreans informed on the volatile domestic situation by transmitting 'Voice of America' reports, and editorials printed by major U.S. newspapers.

Educational Broadcasting System (EBS)

EBS offers countrywide FM radio and UHF/VHF television coverage. Programming is based on EBS's founding principles - to improve the quality of school education, to expand educational opportunities, to satisfy educational demands and to strengthen democratic ideals. International exchanges (e.g. BBC, NHK) have fostered new audience interest in the EBS and improved ratings attest to its success. EBS aims to solidify a special channel identity with programs aimed at broadening international perspectives and by nurturing scientific and modernized thought forms to motivate social development.

Television

Inauguration and development

Television broadcasting in Korea came in 1956 with the inauguration of HLKZ-TV (Korean RCA Distribution) a commercial TV station. Leaning heavily on the practices of American commercial TV and RCA assistance, HLKZ-TV began regular broadcasting for two hours on alternate days. Financially dependent on commercial advertising (at a time when most people could not afford television sets), its distribution plans were increasingly frustrated as entrepreneurs were unwilling to invest in advertising. Despite its attempts to give better service, the station was soon to be taken over by Hankook Ilbo under the name Daehan Broadcasting Corporation (DBC). In turn, following a disastrous fire, DBC-TV was gradually absorbed into the Korean Broadcasting System (KBS) which began operations in 1961. U.S. influence over the emerging local industry was strongly evident , especially evident in AFKN-TV. RCA, which initially introduced television to Korea, had basically tapped a very lucrative market for its radio and television receivers. Despite Korea's internal difficulties it became the fourth country in Asia to launch television broadcasting, relying heavily on a longstanding technological relationship with the US. In 1981, KBS launched a third television channel, KBS 3, justified under the pretext of furthering public interest. Control and manipulation of broadcasters by the government were prevalent phenomena, yet also made possible were large-scale features more attuned to audience tastes. The introduction of colour TV resulted in a marked growth in the number of viewers and CTV sales. The information needs of Koreans became more diverse and expenditures for production and management underwent notable changes. The end of the 1980s brought stronger realism to TV programming, with investigative reports and live variety shows emerging as stalwarts of prime-time. Table 1 summarizes the distribution of program types by the four television networks. When the Seoul Broadcasting Station (SBS) made its debut (December 1991), the three established networks were faced with a serious challenge. A full-scale competition war characterized by an incredible preoccupation with ratings was launched. SBS introduced cluster-programming to prime-time by grouping similar types of programs together, a strategy geared towards maintaining audience flow. The four networks now offer four hours of daytime programming beginning at 0600 and from 1800 until midnight. No programs are aired in the afternoons on weekdays, but all have an additional five hours (1300-1800) at weekends. Although KBS 1, KBS 2 and SBS put some effort into achieving channel differentiation, the norm is to place similar programs in the same time slot. Broadcasting cheap facsimilies of American and Japanese shows, as well as modifying popular formats used by a competitor, is commonplace.

Table 1. Program Distribution Among the Four Korean Networks ______________________________________________________________________________________ _____ Overall KBS- KBS- MBC-TV SBS-TV % lTV 2TV ______________________________________________________________________________________ _____ News 9.83 18.51 5.20 9.50 6.11 Public affairs 6.55 10.99 4.62 7.03 3.55 Sports 9.92 13.03 9.03 5.64 11.98 Drama 11.78 9.62 17.15 23.80 20.53 Game shows 3.72 0 8.19 1.03 5.66 Comedy Shows 3.99 0 7.92 3.72 4.32 Variety Shows 6.56 1.68 5.86 9.48 9.22 Children's programs 8.48 8.23 8.58 11.78 5.32 Cultural/educational 11.61 20.40 15.17 6.65 4.22 Imported programs 6.36 2.80 11.21 3.72 7.69 Movies 6.45 4.97 2.11 7.68 11.02 Talk shows 2.13 0 2.64 2.56 3.32 Other 6.64 9.77 2.32 7.41 7.06 _____________________________________________________________________________

Commercial television (1990-)

The KBS monopoly of television broadcasting was challenged and with new broadcasting laws, came pressure for a commercial broadcasting station. Thus, the Commission on Broadcasting Institutions was formed in 1989, and with it the decision to establish a commercial station, the Seoul Broadcasting Station. SBS began operations on AM radio, but within a year established a TV station. This signalled an end to longstanding KBS- MBC exclusiveness. However, SBS is a local broadcasting station covering only Seoul and its vicinities, but is expected to widen its horizon. With SBS as an example, the government plans to establish private television networks in major cities.

Informational and educational programs

Under the Broadcasting Law, Korean TV networks are required to show programs which hold affinity to diverse cultural or educational pursuits. Such programs focus on promoting a sense of national identity or the teaching of specific skills, languages or crafts. Traditionally, such programs go to air in the morning session. The fact that fixed, regular programs are obviously quite meagre in quantity and inconspicuous in quality, reflects the lack of investment and motivation in television's information purveying role. The weight placed on a certain program can be quite accurately determined by its time slot. Prime time in Korea is comprised mostly of entertainment shows with an extensive newscast in between, with informational/cultural programs usually deferred to the post-2200 hours slot. SBS is often cited as the mover behind this trend, for at its outset, many had wondered as to its survival tactic in the face of relative giants like KBS. Not surprisingly, SBS went all-out in the direction of 'commercial-type' entertainment (foreign imports dubbed in Korean or superficial domestic shows). MBC and KBS are routinely criticized for following suit.

Regulation of the media

Censorship influence

The program content of the media, what it is and what it should be, dominates current dialogue across the broadcasting spectrum. News, current affairs and cultural value programs are only one part of broadcasting; programs with violence, sex and nudity make up the rest. This division justifies censorship influence over media space and time, and thus government is given a plausible reason to interfere. Broadcasting history has reflected public concern every time a new medium appeared. Government responsibility is to monitor those forces which threaten valued cultural norms, controlling and regulating broadcasting through the statute book and self- regulation through codes of ethics. Also, extra-legal controls operate through pressure groups or lobbying parties. Over its sixty years, Korean broadcasting has experienced tremendous governmental restrictions, first by the Japanese and then by successive Korean governments and the bureaucracy. Following independence, a public system was favoured over private, thereby ruling out the need for encompassing broadcasting-related laws. The only quasi-legal regulations which existed were concerned more with the administrative aspect of broadcasting, but with the appearance of commercial stations, improving public welfare and cultural standards were cited as broadcasting's primary goals. 'General Broadcasting Standards' were drafted and disseminated to the various stations and served as indices to guide the quality of programs.

Legal protection of broadcasting

When commercial broadcasting burgeoned, the need for legal protection of broadcasting activities was recognized. The 'Broadcasting Law' was thus enacted (16 December 1963), providing for freedom of the press, the establishment of the Korea Ethics Commission on Broadcast (KECB) to safeguard the public interest, and various regulatory measures. Also, the need to diffuse the TV service to the provincial areas resulted in the 'Cable Operations Law' which sought to ensure rapid, accurate delivery of government policy and to promote cultural improvement of rural workers' lives. However, the law which provoked the most controversy and dissent was the 'Basic Law' (31 December 1980); an unconstitutional document and a ramification of the Fifth Republic's dictatorial ways. It stifled the media under the pretext of preventing monopoly and greed for almost a decade before repeal.

Cable television

An experimental CATV broadcasting system covered 8 000 households in two densely populated areas of Seoul. CATV is considered to be a separate medium and accordingly outside the scope of the Broadcasting Act. The regulatory agency is the 'CATV Broadcasting Commission' which operates under the umbrella of the Ministry of Information. There are restrictions on the ownership of CATV stations by anyone who owns or controls the licence of a television broadcasting station, a daily newspaper or other means of communication. Religious and political organizations are debarred from CATV ownership. Licences for providing video programming are controlled by the Cable Television Broadcasting Commission, which limits foreign input to 30 per cent, and enforces strict requirements for the duration and content of advertising. The Commission also has the role of 'maintaining public responsibility, ethics, and qualitative improvement of the general content of cable television broadcasting.' It has broad censorship powers, but as a regulatory agency, it acknowledges Government control of what is actually shown on CATV.

Socio-cultural contribution

Broadcasting has permeated everyday life to the extent that it is now regarded as the public spokesman. Its valued social roles are to promote public welfare and maintain the national identity and Korean media have produced cultural programs to uniquely serve these functions. A prime example is EBS, which strives to lead the audience down the specific avenues of social, educational and cultural development. Documentaries on foreign culture and history, or those concentrating on politics, the economy or environmental protection offer Koreans a world formerly unknown. National identity is enhanced by objective comparison with a uniquely different culture, while educational programs help disseminate the dominating ideology of a society. Culture transmission and identity constitution through broadcasting implies that such media are naturally more conservative, and serve to reinforce existing values rather than change them. But the average Korean switches on TV or radio more for quiet relaxation and stress release than for enlightenment. With many programs targeting families as opposed to a specific demographic group, it is not surprising that television's effect on social/sexual roles is a key issue of contention among sociologists today.. TV has also brought about considerable changes in people's perceptions of the older generation. No longer are senior citizens the symbols of patriarchy - venerated beings under Confucianism - especially on contemporary television where their views are neither welcomed or respected. Elementary school students spend most of their leisure watching TV, to which a certain amount of their socialization is attributable. Adolescents, however, watch less TV, due to study workload, but are more vulnerable than adults and succumb more easily to television stimuli. Korean teenagers are also inclined to transfer ideas through television directly into action.

Financial structure

As a state-run broadcasting system, KBS initially relied entirely on government funding. The government used postal-service employees to collect fees, and despite the inefficiencies involved, revenue in 1951 totalled 166 million wŏn. The financial strains of the Korean War severely curtailed network development, but despite funding limitation to KBS, the government appropriated 20 million wŏn for special broadcasting equipment. Until 1966, KBS-TV remained dependent upon government funding. Then, the total revenue from reception fees jumped to 138 million wŏn as the number of registered TVs increased (to 690 000 in 1967). Criticism arose against the financing structure of KBS which, although a state-run broadcasting company, received funding from both reception fees and through selling advertising time. Responding to public pressure, KBS discontinued its advertising function (5 May 1969). TBC- TV was inaugurated in 1964 and displayed fifty-six 'commercials' in its first broadcast. As the only private TV station in the television advertising market it made every effort to attract a large number of clients by providing quality service. As TBC also operated a radio station, it often marketed joint television & radio advertising packages for big events. Shortly after KBS discontinued advertising, MBC TV was launched, creating fierce rivalry between it and TBC. As TBC had a five year head start, it held the dominant market share, but could not retain this prominence. TBC then restructured and the quantity of advertisements led to strengthening of the corresponding regulatory framework. The government first controlled only the number and amount of advertisements with its 1963 broadcasting laws, but by amendments went on to control content (placing this within the ambit of the Broadcasting Ethics Committee). Today, media advertising is a mammoth industry and the broadcasting sector captures a big share of the market, even though it lags behind that of the newspapers. Table 2 gives the media advertising turnover for 1993 (Source : Cheil Communications Inc./ Korea Annual 1994)

1993 Turnover by Media (Unit : million wŏn %)

	Outlay	Growth rates	Composition rate
	1993	1992	1993	1992	1993	1992
Television	896	813	835	885	7.3	29.5	27.8	29.7
Radio	137	122	129	584	5.8	7.2	4.2	4.6
Newspaper	1 332	657	1 140	919	16.8	11.9	41.3	40.5
Magazine	1 23	953	121	374	2.1	-3.2	3.8	4.3
Sub-total	2 490	545	2 227	762	11.8	16.5	77.1	79.1
Other	132	089	113	582	16.3	9.0	4.1	4.0
606	079	474	513	27.7	24.9	18.8	16.9
Total	3 228	713	2 815	857	14.7	17.6	100.0	100.0

Technological development

The 'Universal and Intelligent Communication Network'

The primary goal of the communications industry in the 21st c. is the implementation of the 'Universal & Intelligent Communication Network'. Broadcasting's version is the 'Integrated Services Digital Broadcasting' which when installed, will allow higher quality programming of wider diversity. The technology which serves as a foundation for such quality and diversity is comprised of micro-electronics, digital technology, fibre-optic cable, and satellites, which combined with broadcasting, communication and computer technology will lead to the digitalization, systemization and broadening of TV coverage. In order to keep pace with these developments, KBS, MBC, and SBS have formulated medium to long-term plans. The task of improving production and transmission facilities has been ardently pursued by all stations. In 1992 CBS extended its facilities to a sweeping complex. KBS plans two branch stations in Pohang and Sokch'o to alleviate its space problems. MBC opened its Namwon FM radio and TV stations in 1992. SBS which had initially targeted only Seoul prepares to expand coverage and build two large studios in the new city of Ilsan. Technology has become a dominant factor in broadcasting, as cable television and satellite broadcasting increasingly rival established networks .Korea has implemented steps to cope with the increased demands of information exchange, including satellite communications, cable broadcasting, and its planned 'Information Highway'.

Satellite broadcasting

Korea's 1995 broadcasting/communication satellite is named Mugungwha , but from January 1992, in order to create a base market for satellite services, and to familiarize itself with satellite administration, Korea Tele Communications began accessing the Intelset Satellite #5a. Mugungwha is a 650 kg satellite in which 300 billion wŏn is invested and is a product of the General Electrics Company.

Cable Broadcasting

Cable television planning targets areas where topographical barriers make normal reception difficult. An expansion of the pilot scheme now operating in Seoul is currently being planned, and it is expected that up to 130 cable broadcasting and 28 production organizations will be approved by 1996.

The Information Highway

The government has an ambitious plan to build a national 'Information Super Highway' system. In its simplest terms this is a network of fibre-optic cables and microwave stations linking every home ,business and institution in the Republic. By 2015, a total of US $55 billion will be expended, aimed at upgrading Korea's multi-media information industry to a world-class level. Plans are in hand to develop 100 public databases every year and distribute 10 million terminals for information distribution. Government finance will flow to the project through sales of Korea Telecom stock, income from communications services, and